“Today is Hartal,” Proclaims 14-Year-Old

On 26 January 1966, 80 students from the Government Girls Higher Secondary School, Shakurpur, Delhi, had to participate in the Republic Day parade at Rajpath, New Delhi. The students underwent rigorous training for more than a month. A school inspection was held on 30 January. On that day, the Principal put up a notice announcing that the terminal examinations would begin on 1 February. Two examinations were scheduled on each day. The exhausted students wanted to postpone the examinations. Class monitors approached the Head girl to request the Principal to delay the examinations.

The Head girl and the class monitors requested the Principal to change the dates. On the 31st, they reiterated their request, but in vain. During the assembly on 1 February, the day of exams, the Head girl was to read out the news and memorable quotes. Instead, she said, “Our exams are beginning today. Are you ready?” In one voice, the school replied, “No, we are not ready. We will not take our exams.” Resonating with the mood of the students, she continued, “Since none of us want to take the exams, we will not go to the classes. I am obeying your decision not to take the exams. The teachers will try to force us, but we will not go to our classes. Today is our hartal,” she proclaimed, and all the students stood by her.

Ignoring the anger of the Principal, the students lined up in the school grounds. The Principal started beating a few students. They reacted by pelting stones. Meanwhile, the news spread across the area and to their parents at home. The police was called in and the students were questioned. No student singled out any other as the instigator of the strike. Everyone took responsibility for the action. In the Principal`s room, the police asked the Head girl why she had initiated the strike. She said that it was a collective decision. The police accused the students of being keener on the strike than on their studies. She replied, “If we were not keen about our studies, why would we ask that the exams be postponed?”

Officials from the Education Department turned up and convinced the Principal to change her mind. The exams were postponed to 3 February with one exam being scheduled each day. “This was my first strike and I learnt the strength of collectivism as well as the joy of success,” says Amarjeet, the firebrand leader and activist of the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC). Born in 1952, in a typical Punjabi family as the second child of Diwan Singh and Kulwant Kaur, Amarjeet came to the forefront of activism as a student leader.

Learning Her Lessons

Every strike teaches new lessons, believes Amarjeet. When the workers of the Honda Motor India Ltd. decided to form a union, Amarjeet and other leaders in the AITUC were party to it, offering encouragement. While the effort to organise was at its peak, the Honda management suspended 80 workers and subsequently threw out all 3,000 workers of the company. The agitating workers were attacked on 14 July 2005 by the police and goons of the management. “We gave moral support to the workers, visited their homes, met their parents and relatives and consoled them,” says Amarjeet. “We did not want to let the morale of the workers and the family down.”

The Honda workers` strike was unique. In an atmosphere of union bashing, the young, educated, technically skilled Honda workers came forward to form a union. It was seen as a test case because its success would provide an entry point to other companies. The Honda management mustered the support of other companies, who rightly feared that once a union was formed in the Honda factory, no other company would be spared. “We used all the tactics and techniques to help the workers,” says Amarjeet. Representing the national centre, Amarjeet attended conciliation talks with the government, in which the chief minister of the state and labour officials attended. In spite of the vengeful attitude of the management, the brutal attack on the workers and their hospitalisation, the Honda workers` strike was successful. The union was registered, all the workers were taken back and the management had to sit with the same union at the negotiation table.

“The myth that modern skilled industrial labour cannot be organised was broken by the Honda workers. It proved that, like any other sector, these new emerging workforces could also be unionised. Another lesson that was reinforced for me from the Honda workers` struggle is that strong, united action is bound to be successful,” says Amarjeet.

Amarjeet believes that the willpower of the workers and their unity decides the fate of every strike. She still admires the efforts of four young girls, who took initiative along with her, to organise a strike of electronic industry workers in Okhla. Around 500 workers of Calcom Electronics went on strike in 1995, protesting against the unfair labour practices of the management. The company was paying its skilled workers the same wages as the unskilled labourers, who were being paid less than the minimum wages. Moreover, the workers were made to sign papers, which reflected full payment as per the norms. Although Provident Fund (PF) was deducted, it was not deposited with the PF department. In such a state of gross violation of labour laws, the workers (of whom more than 90 per cent were women) decided to protest.

The strike went on for 60 days. Amarjeet was with the workers, leading and giving them moral strength. Accompanied by a few workers, she met the chief minister of Delhi and the labour commissioner. Meanwhile, the management wrote letters to the parents of the young women, describing their `misconduct` and `loose morals` and warning them that the girls would spoil the names of their families. The letter threatened that if the young women continued with the strike, they would be thrown out of their jobs. “The letters became the turning point in the strike,” says Amarjeet. “A good example of unfair labour practice, these formed the basis for sending a show cause notice to the company.”

The company called the union for negotiations. The management was willing to accept all the demands of the workers except that the four girls, who led the strike, would not be taken back. “To my dismay, the girls agreed to this. For them, getting all the other workers the benefits was more important,” she recollects. The four girls were confident and courageous and they declared that wherever they went they would unionise the workers and protest against unjust labour practice.

Becoming a Leader

Politics and unionism were two activities with which Amarjeet grew up as a child. Amarjeet`s father was a freedom fighter and a union activist, and among the first to organise construction workers, in the early 1950s. During her childhood, many renowned leaders and politicians visited her house. Memories of her childhood are filled with discussions of unionism and politics. She used to sit on the stairs leading to the roof-top to listen to the political discussions and classes taking place on the terrace. The discussions, especially discourses by Teja Singh Swatantra, inspired Amarjeet. Amarjeet learned what `poverty` meant and how the poor suffered. There began her preparation to challenge exploitation and deprivation. However, the moment she started discussing or sharing her concerns, people called her a communist.

The young Amarjeet was militant but not destructive. As a student, she was not willing to tolerate eve teasing, ragging or bullying by seniors. In the 1970s, when female leadership in college unions was a mere idea, Amarjeet was one of the most appreciated and sought after leaders in Delhi University. The transformation from student leadership to the a leader in the world of workers began with her involvement with the textile mill workers` strike. In the early 1970s, when workers in the Ayodhya textile Mill, Birla Mill and DCM textile went on strike, Amarjeet mobilised the students and visited the workers on strike to express solidarity and participate in gate meetings. “It was for the first time, I was exposed to the workers` united protest. I was immensely inspired,” says Amarjeet.

In 1971, at the teachers` union protest, she was with them. “This gave me an opportunity to interact closely with the karamcharis and the teachers` unions; at the time, I did not have membership in the party or the union”, says Amarjeet. Her relationship with the Delhi University Karamachari Union continues, and Amarjeet represents the National AITUC centre for all their strikes, protests, demonstrations and negotiations. In January 2007, the karamchari union went on strike demanding  a pay hike, the `upward movement scheme` and promotions, similar to what IGNOU follows, whereby an employee receives the first promotion after eight years of service and the second after another eight years. The strike ended after hurried negotiations, and false promises were made by the Vice Chancellor (VC). Some of the demands of the karmacharis were met; however, their wages for 31 days were cut. “Dissatisfied with the VC`s decision, the karamcharis decided not to give up their fight,” says Amarjeet. “We have plans for stronger action and are all geared up to fight for getting our demands accepted.”

Enrolled as a Party Member

In 1972, the Communist Party of India (CPI) gave a call against hoarding and price hike. Amarjeet, a second year BSC student, mobilised other students and participated in the `jail bharo` agitation, and was arrested. “My father came to meet me in the jail. He patted me on by back, appreciated my courage and asked me not to worry,” recalls Amarjeet. The support from her parents sustained her leadership qualities.

After the jail bharo action, the CPI enrolled her as a party member and gave her the responsibility of the All India Students Federation (AISF). From 1974 to 1979, she was an office bearer of AISF, Delhi State Committee. “It was a learning process. The party membership and greater involvement with AISF changed my vision of union activities,” says Amarjeet. “What was a romanticised approach earlier became a serious ideological involvement.”

After completing her post graduation in Physics from Delhi University, Amarjeet was offered a teaching post against a leave vacancy, with opportunities to continue her studies in Oxford and Cambridge. “Premsagar Gupta, the hard-core communist leader and activist, impressed upon me that I was a revolutionary and should join some course in the University to continue with the student`s movement,” recollects Amarjeet. She studied Law in the Morning Law Centre, specialising in Labour Law. From 1979-1985, Amarjeet was the All India General Secretary of AISF.

In 1985, she completed her studies and moved to full-time Party activities. “The Party gave me the responsibility of the women`s` federation. I was entrusted with the Delhi state-level and the national leadership of National Federation of Indian Woman (NFIW),” she says. In 1994, she was inducted as the National Secretary of AITUC. The next year, in 1995, Amarjeet was elected to the National Executive of the CPI. 

Mob Control: A Herculean Task

There were massive protests across the country in 1994 on the signing of the GATT. The Narasimha Rao government intended to sign the agreement on 15 April. The Sponsoring Committee of the trade unions organised a massive protest in Delhi on 5 April 2004 against the Dunkel proposal. “Those days, the lawns behind the Red Fort area were open for demonstrations,” recollects Amarjeet. More than 15,000 people from various unions with different political affiliations from all over the country had gathered on the lawns to march to Jantar Mantar. The police were well prepared. Huge barricades were constructed after the Red Fort traffic lights from one side of the road to other with iron pipes. On the Rajghat side were the mounted police. Marching in the first row were senior leaders such as A.B. Bardhan, Shanti Patel, Umraomal Purohit and Abany Roy. Amarjeet found a place with them. When the leaders finished addressing the gathering, they went back to the camps because they were sure that the barricades could not be broken. But neither the excited crowd nor Amarjeet was willing to go back. The protestors tried to break the barricade and some smart participants tried to cross the road from the Rajghat side. All who opted for the latter were brutally beaten by the mounted police. This instigated the crowd to violence.

“All the senior leaders had gone, I did not know what to do,” recollects Amarjeet. She stood in front trying to control the crowd. “It is easy to control one`s own party people but this was a mixture of all parties,” says Amarjeet. Meanwhile, the protestors broke the barricade. In an attempt to control the crowd and thereby avoid a crisis, Amarjeet ran towards the barricade. She tripped on a broken iron frame and fell down. Her right hand took the entire impact. “I could hear my bones cracking,” says Amarjeet. The police were shocked and wanted to help her but were scared. They shouted, asking her to convince the people that the police was in no way responsible for her condition. Getting up with great difficulty, Amarjeet stood between the police and the crowd. “I convinced them and brought them all back to the camp,” she says proudly. Only after ensuring that everyone had settled down in the camp, did she proceed to consult a doctor. A bone in her arm had broken in seven places and she had to undergo surgery the next day. “This was one of my greatest experiences in controlling a violent mob,” recollects Amarjeet. “The situation was very tense, but I am glad I had the confidence to tackle it.”

Working Women

The present situation of women is a mixed bag, believes Amarjeet. “There is a growing trend for feminisation of work, and presumably, this is a positive trend. But it has its drawbacks. Neo-liberalism and the conditions imposed by the IMF, World Bank and WTO are bulwarks for the strategic advance of TNCs, resulting in casualisation and informalisation of work. Jobs in the organised sector are decreasing, and men, in large numbers, are losing their jobs. On the other hand, women, who had not been working so far, are getting jobs in the informal sector. Of course, there is an increase in women`s employment, but the work women get is piece-rated work, and piece rates are much lower than the statutory minimum wage. Due to the tough competition, piece-rated jobs are on the increase. This means more and more work is done at home.

The number of working women has increased tremendously in this decade. The rising cost of living forces a majority of women to opt for any job that they come across. The single income of the men in the family is no longer sufficient to make both ends meet. Besides this compulsion, women want to work because their educational status has improved, and they are becoming more assertive,” says Amarjeet. “The demand for working women in the marriage market has increased. Men, especially from the lower income group, prefer to marry working girls,” says Amarjeet. The formal sector, however, does not provide employment opportunities for them. For instance, a woman may find it difficult to find placement after she graduates as a civil engineer. However, it is easy for her to find a job as a beldarni. In the rural areas, women are restricted to agriculture and related activities. The earlier trend of migrating with families to construction sites has also changed.

Among the working groups, young girls from the low- and middle-income group are on the increase. They are exploring new avenues of employment in both formal and informal sectors. They work as conductors in buses (both in Andhra Pradesh and Rajasthan), in call centres, medical transcription and the telecom sector. But these numbers are nothing to beat the workforce in home-based, piece-rate jobs and as domestic maids.

Lack of security is another major concern of women workers. There are ran baseras (night shelters) for migrant male workers in many metropolitan cities but there is no such provision for women workers. “We are demanding ran baseras for women workers as well,” says Amarjeet.

"Women are still the most exploited workforce. Even the government becomes a party to this exploitation,” says Amarjeet. The government schemes Asha and Siksha Mitra, which are run mainly by women, do not even pay them the minimum wages. They are treated not as employees but as volunteers. In many places, women workers are not paid the minimum wages even under the NREGA scheme. AITUC had fought for ensuring women`s participation in NREGA and at present 30 to 35 per cent women are getting employment through NREGA. “In some places, it is even 50 to 55 per cent,” says Amarjeet.

Moreover, women workers experience displacement whenever automation or technological development takes place in any industry. A typical example is the pickle-making industry in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. Thousands of women worked in these units, but when the decision to produce it on a mass scale using masala mixing machines was taken, women were replaced by men. The same took place in the construction industry. The tribal women, who did road laying work, are no longer visible. They have been replaced by men, who operate the machines.

Organising Women Workers

In recognition of her organising skills, Amarjeet was given the additional responsibility of organising women workers, especially the anganwadi, the beedi and the home-based workers. “I took up the challenge of organising the informal sector workers. I wanted to sensitise them and so was the case of the women in banks,” says Amarjeet. In 1995, the AITUC organised the first All India Women`s Convention. “Many women came to the forefront and we could generate a new cadre of women,” says Amarjeet.

Amarjeet believes that the nimble finger theory is still operative in India. Employers prefer women because they think women: (a) have less chances of getting organised; (b) will work for low wages; (c) can be exploited because of compelling situations at home.

The women`s workforce has to be organised to fight these odds. Trade unions themselves still operate on male paradigms. “It may not be difficult to become a member of a union, but it is not easy to become a trade union leader,” says Amarjeet. According to her, a woman has to convince or fight with her family, society and her male counterparts to emerge as a trade union leader. “The first and foremost issue is to convince oneself. The resistance within has to be fought.” says Amarjeet. Her will power and commitment to the movement makes her a dedicated leader and helps her survive all odds.

Amarjeet does not agree with the idea of having unions only for women. “Segregation will not help sensitise male counterparts. Men should recognise the calibre of women,” she says. Amarjeet actively supports women-centric activities and programmes. “Such activities are essential and help them articulate their feelings. Besides, such fora will help place women`s agendas in mainstream union activities. AITUC believes in one union for one industry. Therefore, we will not encourage separate unions for women,” emphasises Amarjeet.

There is a deep-rooted belief in men that union leadership is a male bastion; they have a mental block about women in leadership. This needs to change. Men often belittle women and consider it a waste to groom young women into trade union leadership. The belief is that once women get married, they tend to give up union activities. Although on the face of it, men talk about gender equality, their attitude is one of arrogant superiority. Amarjeet recalls that the first woman union leader, who participated in an industrial negotiation, was Parvati Krishan; later, there was Subhashini Sharma in the oil sector. Many years after that, there was Lalita Joshy of the All India Bank Employees Association. She was the first woman to sign a bipartite settlement. “The public sector unions have never developed women leaders. How can one then dream of women at the negotiating table?” asks Amarjeet. Often, women unionsists are `decorative pieces`. Amarjeet quoted a rightist party women union leader`s comment that the leadership role was given to women in their union only for the men to take liberty with them.

Amarjeet considers women to be good planners. “A woman can meticulously handle an event because planning is already there in her psyche,” asserts Amarjeet. The working class has a special preference for their woman leaders. Yet, efforts are not made by the unions to encourage more women to take on leadership roles. The International Labour Organisation`s assertion to have more women representatives, for meetings and so on, has helped to bring slight changes in the attitude of the male leadership. Often, a woman leader is given a leadership position only to save the face of the union, who could then boast about gender equality.

The Left trade unions have now realised the need for women`s participation in unions and concerted efforts are being made to bring women to the forefront. AITUC has taken a formal decision to foster women`s leadership. “Our union has increased women members in the general council. Moreover, the All India Women Workers` Forum makes genuine efforts to persuade women to take up leadership roles,” says Amarjeet. National-level leaders of trade unions now realise that women leaders are essential to maintain the union`s membership. When the trend reflects a feminised workforce, the need of the hour is to organise them and accept them as leaders.

Amarjeet is aware of some resistance within the union movement to go all the way in involving women trade union leaders in negotiations and decision-making. Giving an example, she says, “Eighty per cent of the beedi workers are women but when there is any negotiation, 90 per cent of the representatives are males. There are women leaders for the beedi workers, but beedi workers themselves have not been accepted at the negotiating table. Similar is the stance with the construction workers. There are women leaders, who work for the construction workers, but a woman construction worker acquiring a leadership role is a rare phenomenon. The only exception seen till date is among the anganwadi workers.”

Male union leaders hesitate when women-specific issues arise. “A lot of pressure had to be exerted to garner male support to get the Maternity Benefits Act implemented,” says Amarjeet. The demand for crèche facilities is not in the agenda of unions because this is a woman-specific issue, which they believe should be handled by women members.

Women, by temperament, are caring and nurturing. Male leaders perceive co-workers as individuals or colleagues; a woman, on the other hand, takes into account the co-worker as well as his/her family. She can adapt herself to and adjust to any situation. Amarjeet imbibed the lesson of caring for the workforce from her own family. “My parents support me in all my actions,” says Amarjeet, “and so does my husband.” Amarjeet is married to Dr. Arun Mitra who is an ENT Surgeon in Ludhiana and a well-known trade union leader.

Amarjeet believes that the most powerful gift a woman has is her inner strength and self confidence. As a leader, she prefers to inculcate these qualities among women members. She foresees a world of gender equality and gender sensitivity, a world in which courageous and confident women are its leaders. Amarjeet continues her relentless struggle and efforts, unhindered by dogmatic beliefs of others. She does not allow her inner voice to be drowned in the whirlpool of others` opinions.